Hague v. CIO (1939)
1. Wherever the title of streets and parks may rest, they
have immemorially been held in trust for the use of the public
and, time out of mind, have been used for purposes of assembly,
communicating thoughts between citizens, and discussing public
questions. Such use of the streets and public places has, from
ancient times, been a part of the privileges, immunities, rights,
and liberties of citizens.
2. The privilege of a citizen of the United States to use
the streets and parks for communication of views on national
questions may be regulated in the interest of all; it is not
absolute, but relative, and must be exercised in subordination to
the general comfort and convenience, and in consonance with peace
and good order; but it must not, in the guise of regulation, be
abridged or denied.
Brown v. Louisiana (1966)
Justice Fortas (Judgment for the Court) (Plurality Opinion)
We are here dealing with an aspect of a basic constitutional right
-- the right under the First and Fourteenth Amendments
guaranteeing freedom of speech and of assembly, and freedom to
petition the Government for a redress of grievances. These rights
embrace appropriate types of action which certainly include the
right in a peaceable and orderly manner to protest by silent and
reproachful presence, in a place where the protestant has every
right to be, the unconstitutional segregation of public
facilities.
It is an unhappy circumstance that the locus of these events was a
public library -- a place dedicated to quiet, to knowledge, and to
beauty. . . . Fortunately, the circumstances here were such that
no claim can be made that use of the library by others was
disturbed by the demonstration. Perhaps the time and method were
carefully chosen with this in mind. Were it otherwise, a factor
not present in this case would have to be considered. Here, there
was no disturbance of others, no disruption of library activities,
and no violation of any library regulations.
Justice Black's Dissenting Opinion
Contrary to the implications in the prevailing opinion, it is
incomprehensible to me that a State must measure disturbances in
its libraries and on the streets with identical standards.
Though the First Amendment guarantees the right of assembly and
the right of petition along with the rights of speech, press, and
religion, it does not guarantee to any person the right to use
someone else's property, even that owned by government and
dedicated to other purposes, as a stage to express dissident
ideas.
Adderly v. Florida (1966)
Justice Black's Majority Opinion
The sheriff, as jail custodian, had power, as the state courts
have here held, to direct that this large crowd of people get off
the grounds. There is not a shred of evidence in this record that
this power was exercised, or that its exercise was sanctioned by
the lower courts, because the sheriff objected to what was being
sung or said by the demonstrators or because he disagreed with the
objectives of their protest. The record reveals that he objected
only to their presence on that part of the jail grounds reserved
for jail uses. There is no evidence at all that, on any other
occasion had similarly large groups of the public been permitted
to gather on this portion of the jail grounds for any purpose.
Nothing in the Constitution of the United States prevents Florida
from even-handed enforcement of its general trespass statute
against those refusing to obey the sheriff's order to remove
themselves from what amounted to the curtilage of the jailhouse.
The State, no less than a private owner of property, has power to
preserve the property under its control for the use to which it is
lawfully dedicated. For this reason, there is no merit to the
petitioners' argument that they had a constitutional right to stay
on the property, over the jail custodian's objections.
Lehman v. City of Shaker Heights (1974)
Here, we have no open spaces, no meeting hall, park, street
corner, or other public thoroughfare. Instead, the city is engaged
in commerce. It must provide rapid, convenient, pleasant, and
inexpensive service to the commuters of Shaker Heights. The car
card space, although incidental to the provision of public
transportation, is a part of the commercial venture.
Revenue earned from long-term commercial advertising could be
jeopardized by a requirement that short-term candidacy or
issue-oriented advertisements be displayed on car cards. Users
would be subjected to the blare of political propaganda. There
could be lurking doubts about favoritism, and sticky
administrative problems might arise in parceling out limited space
to eager politicians. In these circumstances, the managerial
decision to limit car card space to innocuous and less
controversial commercial and service-oriented advertising does not
rise to the dignity of a First Amendment violation. Were we to
hold to the contrary, display cases in public hospitals,
libraries, office buildings, military compounds, and other public
facilities immediately would become Hyde Parks open to every
would-be pamphleteer and politician. This the Constitution does
not require.
No First Amendment forum is here to be found. The city consciously
has limited access to its transit system advertising space in
order to minimize chances of abuse, the appearance of favoritism,
and the risk of imposing upon a captive audience. These are
reasonable legislative objectives advanced by the city in a
proprietary capacity. In these circumstances, there is no First or
Fourteenth Amendment violation.